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Joara . . . what the public is not being told

Joara . . . what the public is not being told

PART TWO of the series on the Juan Pardo Expedition

An educated Native American is an empowered Native American.  You may think that the interpretation of Early Colonial History has nothing to do with your tribe, but as we pointed in Part One,  skewed history is frequently used later on to justify whether or not tribes get federal/state recognition, grants or even appropriate representation in museums.  We saw in Georgia where the lust to build Cherokee casinos caused Creek festivals to be banned,  the Creek manager of Etowah Mounds to be fired and almost succeeded in Etowah Mounds National Landmark being leased for a dollar a year to a real estate developer.  This series is primarily about the search for the location of Chiaha,  but readers raised the question about all the publicity going to the Berry Site in Burke County, North Carolina as the supposed location of a town that the Spaniards called Joara (Wara).  

Let me emphasize again.  I am an eyewitness to the fact that in the early 1980s a group of professors chose to send Hernando de Soto through Asheville, NC for political and financial reasons.  There was no scientific justification for this decision.  Much that has occurred since then was camouflage to conceal the pseudo-scientific nature of a study, which brought fame and fortune to some of the participants.  These were self-described experts on Spanish and Native American history, who couldn’t even pronounce Spanish words and obviously didn’t know a Creek word when they saw one. Even when a professional archaeological study by Appalachian State University in 2001 proved that the place these professors called “Guaxule, the ancient capital of the great Cherokee Nation” . . . was actually a Woodland Period hamlet . . . the information was hushed up and references still call the Biltmore Mound an important Mississippian Period town, visited by Hernando de Soto and Juan Pardo. 

A grassy pasture in the North Carolina Piedmont is now being described in the news media and all references as “the site of one of the most important regional centers in the Pre-European South.”  This “great Native American metropolis” has one minuscule mound that is not even visible on satellite imagery.  What began 30 years ago as a provincial speculation has grown into a delusion that no one dares to question. This all happened because no one bothered to fact check news releases coming out of North Carolina. The chain of incompetence eventually ran all the way up to the National Geographical Society, National Science Foundation and PBS.

Not one National Geo, NSF or PBS executive bothered to read the actual eyewitness account by a Spanish lawyer of this “regional center,” whose English translation was readily available online. If any media or foundation executive had done so, he or she would have quickly realized that they were being fed “caco de toro.”

Because these speculations now have the official stamp of approval by the National Geographic Society, National Science Foundation, the North Carolina Public Television Network, the Public Broadcasting System, plus thousands of replicated newspaper articles and local television reports, poorly researched speculations have now entered the realm of assumed facts. All along, however, the emperor had no clothes.

GPS coordinates:   35°47’41.6″N  81°43’11.7″W

A photographic tour of one of the most important Native American towns in the Southeast . . . Huh-h-h?

This little tract of land in the North Carolina Piedmont is now described by online references as one of the most important regional centers in the Southeast.   Actually, there are at least two dozen village sites within 20 minutes drive of my cabin that are much larger than this village and also they have mounds that you can actually see.  Several of their plazas are larger than this archaeological site.  Five minutes away from me is a forty feet tall mound. 

The excavations did find European artifacts.  That means either were Europeans there or they were obtained artifacts from one of the four Spanish forts that the Natives massacred.  Where are the Spanish weapons and skeletons?  Where are the Native American burials?  Where is the layer of ash and charcoal left by the burning of the fort?  Are the archaeologists not allowed to dig for burials because this is a “Sacred Cherokee Heritage Site”  in Yuchi territory?  By the way, the English phrases, “A bunch of buncombe,” “a bunch of bunk” and bunko are derived from the name of Buncombe County, North Carolina.

In 1567, Joara had a broad, fast moving mountain river passing through it.   Did it dry up due to climate change?


On right is a near visible light infrared image of the archaeological zone. My software quickly enhances the footprints of plazas, fortifications and buildings. In the upper part of the photo, there appears to be rectangular buildings, but I do not see a typical pattern of a Spanish infantry fort.


On the left is how the archaeologists imagined the discolorations in the earth at the Berry Site to be a fort.  It may be a fort, but this is NOT how 16th century Spanish infantry forts appear to archaeologists.  A fort constructed by Juan Pardo has been excavated at Santa Elena.    On the right is Fuerza Santa Catalina, an infantry fort for a garrison of 8-16 men on St. Catherines Island, GA.  In this view only the gabions are in place.

The first step in building a 16th century or early 17th century Spanish fort was for the men to go out and gather a vast amount of saplings. These were woven into round gabions to create the outline of the fort and an immediate defense line. The gabions were quickly filled with dirt to provide protection as soon as possible to the soldiers.  Those gabions appear as dark circles when Spanish and French forts are excavated by archaeologists.  The next step was to drive 4-6″ timbers into the ground on the outside AND inside of the gabions.  The outer timbers were cut off about four feet above the top of the gabions, while the inner timbers were cut flush.  This created a firing platform, generally about five feet wide.  Sixteenth century matchlock firearms were very dangerous and took a long time to load.  The soldiers would step down from the firing platform to reload their weapons, so they would not be exposed to Native arrows.  What the archaeologists labeled as a bastion is entirely too small.  The matchlock gun could be five feet long and thus in such a small space, it would be impossible for the arquebusman to load and aim.  I see no evidence of a firing platform or gabions in this photo made by the archaeologists.

What is labeled a bastion in the photo is just about the right size for a proto-Creek archer’s platform.  They were spaced about 50-75 feet apart on the palisades of proto-Creek towns.   Most ancestral Creek towns had timber palisades around the town and around ground level temples.  This is true for both Etowah Mounds and Irene Island in Savannah.   Infantry forts did NOT have moats.  That is a fantasy of whoever worked on this dig.   Note in my drawings how bastions extend outward from the wall so a arquebusman can fire at anybody trying to scale the timbers with a ladder.  All Spanish forts and missions had ovens.  The cochina ALWAYS stands out on Spanish and French archaeological sites because they baked bread in the ovens constantly and had to dump the ashes nearby. 

This is a fort built by Juan Pardo’s men in Santa Elena. The same fort was built in Cebu, Philippines in 1567.  Note the firing platform.


This is what Fort San Juan probably looked like . . . based on standard plans issued by royal architects in Seville.


What the Juan Pardo Chronicles say

In the journal of the two Juan Pardo Expeditions (1567-1569) his adjutant, Juan dela Bandera, described Joara as “un lugar” or geographical place. Joara is approximately pronounced like Wara (such as in the Spanish name, Joaquin) not Joe-ah-ra as spoken by North Carolina archaeologists and stated in the two nationally televised documentaries.

In December of 1567, the Pardo Expedition was traveling generally westward from the Spanish colony of Santa Elena in Port Royal Sound, South Carolina in attempt to find the shortest route to Zacatecas, Mexico. They came to a mountain escarpment and early winter snow at Joara, which blocked their progress.

The capital of Joara was the only Native community, which dela Bandera described in Spanish as a city in his chronicles of their journeys through the Carolinas and northeast corner of Georgia. He said that the city had many temples, wide streets, plazas and houses.

The reader was never told the real name of this capital, only that Captain Juan Pardo had renamed it Cuenca after his home town in Aragon, because its geographical situation was almost identical to that of the orignal Cuenca. Dela Bandera stated that the capital of Joara was at the base of a mountain canyon, just below where four rushing mountain rivers came together. Besides the fact that that the conquistadors were trying to find a route from the South Carolina Coast to Mexico, this geographical information is extremely critical for discerning caca de toro.

Pardo ordered Fuerza de San Juan, a small infantry fort, built and garrisoned it with a platoon of soldiers. He then returned to Santa Elena to spend the winter. The following year, he passed through Nueva Cuenca on the way to the great town of Coça (Kusa) which was in Northwest Georgia, about 50 miles southeast of Chattanooga. That is another fact for discerning caca de toro

Why would the Spaniards go north 260 miles to west-central North Carolina then turn 120 degrees in a southwestward direction to reach Northwest Georgia?  Santa Elena is near Savannah, GA and only 269 miles southeast of the site of Kusa.  It is totally illogical, but apparently no one in the television industry is logical.

The journal of the Pardo Expeditions mentioned four infantry forts being built in the interior of the Southeast. All four were massacred and burned during the winter of 1568-69. Pardo did not return to the interior, but the Wikipedia article on him is absolutely false in its statement that no Spanish ever returned to the interior of North Carolina. This relatively new propaganda,was inserted anonymously to support the claims for the Berry Site in Burke County, NC.

Several North Carolina-published history books describe scientific and archival evidence of Spanish-speaking miners at multiple locations in the mountains west and northwest of the Berry site. Radiocarbon dates for the oldest mine timbers ran from around 1590 to 1610.

In addition, the highly respected North Carolina historian, Foster Sondley, included a description of a late 16th century and 17th century Spanish gem mining colony in the Toe River Valley, immediately northwest of Burke County, NC in his history of North Carolina. Virginia historian, Brent Kennedy, has also uncovered eyewitness accounts of an “underground railroad” that conducted Spanish Sephardic refugees from the South Carolina Coast up the Catawba River Valley through Burke County and over the Blue Ridge Mountains into North Carolina and Tennessee valleys.

You may read the facts for yourself by accessing online the English translation of dela Bandera’s journal at:

Captain Juan Pardo’s Expeditions

Now before we go charging into Never Never Land, read one of the replicated news releases that accompanied the 2013 broadcast on PBS about the presumed location of Joara in Burke County, NC. Although the news article’s title says that the Burke County, NC archaeological site is in the Great Smoky Mountains, it is actually is on rolling Piedmont terrain, 123 miles EAST of the Smokies.  So the caca de toro begins with the title.

The Story of Joara on PBS

Building a stack of cards

During the 1960s and 1970s,  amateur archaeologists searched  Burke County, NC sites that might have been occupied by the Spanish. In the past, very old European artifacts had occasionally been found by farmers while plowing. In particular, they were looking for a fort, built by Captain Juan Pardo in 1568, because they could not think of any other explanation for the abundance of early European artifacts.

It is important to remember that they were specifically searching for Juan Pardo’s fort, not taking the scientific approach of postulating a range of alternative explanations for the European artifacts. In fact, in an adjacent county to the north, Smithsonian archaeologists had found a site containing stone beehive shaped tombs and extensive evidence of the smelting of iron and copper.

When the book,  The De Soto Chronicles, was published in 1993, it described Guaxule as a minor village that was probably near Asheville and that de Soto passed through there on the way to Chiaha, a larger town downstream on the French Broad River. As POOF mentioned in Part One, both archaeological sites were uninhabited in the mid-1500s.

When in 1997 Charles Hudson published his version of the De Soto Expedition, Knights of the Cross, Warriors of the Sun, he described a different route for De Soto. De Soto was only within the boundaries of North Carolina for about two weeks or less, yet Hudson made that his most important chapter, “De Soto in the Land of the Cherokees.” There are absolutely no Cherokee words mentioned in The De Soto Chronicles. Hudson called the towns with Creek or Itza Maya names, “Ancient Cherokee words, whose meanings have been forgotten.”

In Hudson’s version, while supposedly heading west from Cofitiachequi to Coça in Northwest Georgia, De Soto had instead turned due north to visit the Biltmore Estate in Asheville, then retraced his route SOUTHWARD back into the North Carolina Piedmont then turned northward to spend the night in a small village named Xuale. The Spaniards left Xuale quickly because the hamlet had few food reserves. Hudson placed Xuale at a then little known location called the Berry Site in Burke County, NC.

Hudson then stated that ” Xuale was probably the same word as Joara” and that during the next 20 years it would grow into the great regional capital that Pardo named Cuenca.  Hudson then directed de Soto northward to tour the northwestern corner of North Carolina and then cross over via an unspecified route into northwestern Tennessee, where Chiaha was located at an unspecified location. In other words, the Spaniards now were traveling an additional 350 miles in rough mountain terrain during a period of two weeks.

By the time of Hudson’s book being published, I was living in Northwest Georgia and working long hours on the plans to repair several historical landmarks, which had been severely damaged by Hurricane Opel the previous year. Few people knew about my work experiences in the Asheville. Virtually no one knew about my background in Mesoamerican architecture.  No one would have paid me any attention if I had challenged it.  The route for De Soto in Hudson’s book obviously contained some malarkey, but the book had gotten very positive reviews and was being heavily promoted by the media in North Carolina. No one in academia dared to challenge the ridiculous route that he had proposed through North Carolina.

After the publication of Hudson’s book, archaeology classes from Warren Wilson College in Asheville began digging at the Berry Site, while archaeology classes from Appalachian State University began investigating the three foot high mound on the Biltmore Estate that the academicians had called Guaxule. In 2001, the Appalachian State archaeologists were forced to announce what we had already known 15 years earlier, the Biltmore Mound was a Woodland Period site and showed no evidence of contact with Europeans. They then changed their spill to be that the dinky little Biltmore Mound was the oldest known Cherokee architecture. French maps showed all of western North Carolina occupied by the Creeks and Cherokees until after 1705.

In 2004 there was national media saturation and a National Geo TV documentary about the Berry Site probably being Joara. Remembering the poppycock in the Hudson book, I was surprised, but assumed that the National Geographic Society had verified everything before issuing a large grant and then producing a TV documentary.

Ten years ago

THEN, on March of 2006, I found just the type female herd dog puppy that I was looking for, near Lenoir, NC . . . which is near the Berry Site, aka Joara. Expecting to see spectacular mountain scenery and large mounds, I took along my camping equipment. I planned to camp out in the deep mountain gorge near the site of Joara.

It was nothing. The Berry Site is a level pasture in the North Carolina Piedmont. There is no canyon. There are no whitewater rivers coming together in a gorge. The nearby stream is what in Georgia we call a branch. The mound was a single, barely visible, bump. A flier obtained from the Burke County Chamber described the Berry Site as “an important Cherokee or Catawba town in the Late Mississippian Period with as many as 25 houses and a great mound that was visited by Spanish explorers, Hernando de Soto and Juan Pardo.” Twenty-five houses? . . . that’s barely a village.

Instead of camping out, I drove back home and researched the available references, plus a chain of academic papers and grants that had given legitimacy to the claims made in the flier. The famous Smithsonian Institute ethnologist, John Swanton, had stated that the area around Burke County, Lenoir and Old Fort, North Carolina had been  occupied by the Yuchi Indians until occupied by British settlers in the mid-1700s. He had specific references to back up his statement.

What immediately became obvious was that from the beginning in the 1970s, the only assumption by North Carolina academicians was that Juan Pardo and/or Hernando de Soto had traveled through Burke County and Asheville. In exactly the same mentality with which they created bogus Cherokee history, these North Carolinians were always looking for “proof” that their first assumption was correct.

This is a very dangerous way to carry out research. One tends to see only that evidence that proves one right . . . and if there is none, to concoct fabricated evidence.

The initial academic grant applications for archaeological studies had been endorsed by Charles Hudson in 1997, after the publication of his book.  A legion of North Carolina anthropology professors provided glowing endorsements in the peer reviews.  Thereafter, a chain of grants based on the legitimacy of the first one, eventually culminated in large grants from the National Geographic Society and National Science Foundation.

The North Carolina archaeologists received several grants from the Eastern Band of Cherokees, so they began calling Joara an important Cherokee town . . . more horse manure. Besides the fact that the village only had a max of 25 houses, the Cherokees were nowhere around.  Read John Swanton’s  Indian Tribes of North America.  He specifically states that the region of North Carolina around Old Fort, Lenoir, Morganton and Burke County were the traditional territory of the Uchee (Yuchi). 

No one ever stopped the process and said, “Hey, this archaeological zone bears no resemblance to the Joara in the Spanish archives and it is ludicrous to think that Juan Pardo would head north into North Carolina from a location near Savannah, GA to reach Mexico or Northwest Georgia. You have absolutely no proof that even if this site was visited by Pardo,  it is Fort San Juan.”

Then what is the Berry Archaeological Site?

The 2007 round of publicity described 16th or 17th century European artifacts, such as a scale, being found in the burned-out ruins of one house at the Berry Site. The 2013 round of publicity and PBS documentary showed a relatively short section of log palisade in the village site and stated that it was proof that this was the site of Fort San Juan.

No one on the TV program mentioned that virtually all major Muskogean towns had log palisades.  It was stated that Historical Period Cherokee villages didn’t have palisades . . . as if there were no other tribes in the Southeast.  There is no mention of the Cherokees whatsoever in the chronicles of Juan Pardo’s expeditions.

The other “proof” of the palisade being European was that it was built at a different time than nearby house footprints.  However, the entire village site has not been excavated, so the palisade may relate to another village plan.

The news release and TV documentary provided no proof that Europeans had built this wall. Perhaps they did, maybe they didn’t.

That the Berry Site was the site of a small Native American village with a single mound, there is no doubt.  However, when archaeology professors call this small village  “the regional center of that part of the Southeast during the Mississippian Period” on a nationally televised program, I question the validity of their PhD or wonder if they have become so obsessed that they have gone delusional.

There is absolutely nothing that specifically links this particular ruin with either the large indigenous town at Joara or Fort San Juan. What are alternative explanations?

  1. Otari – A brief mention is given in Juan dela Bandera’s report of a small mission and garrison that Juan Pardo established in the Native village of Otari. Its location is somewhere to the north of Santa Elena, near or in the mountains.

A friar, a teenage boy and a squad of soldiers were sent to Otari to establish the fortified mission. It was common in the 16th century for Spanish friars to be provided a teenage boy for unspecified reasons. Nothing more is mentioned about the mission.

  1. Sephardic Refugee Way Station – Since the Berry Site is exactly on the route described by Brent Kennedy that late 16th century and 17th century Sephardic refugees took, this village may have functioned as the “base camp” where they rested before making the arduous journey over the mountains, or perhaps waited for snows to melt.
  2. Gold miners – The ruins of two 16th or 17th villages containing European habitations, plus many European tools and some indigenous artifacts, have been found in the fertile bottom lands of the Nacoochee Valley, where the Georgia Gold Rush began. The characteristics of these artifacts and archaeological sites seem to match the descriptions of what is being found at the Berry Site. Burke County, NC was one of the earliest locations where gold was mined in the British colonies. Even today, there are 26 active gold mines in Burke County, NC.

In 1821, a group of North Carolina families purchased over 7,000 acres of land in the Nacoochee Valley of Georgia from some Creek and Uchee Indians, who were under the political umbrella of the Cherokee Nation.  So the often told story that the Cherokees were removed from the valley in the Trail of Tears so Georgians could get at the gold,  is just not true.

A few years after the white families arrived, it became generally known that the new settlers had rediscovered the gold deposits there, kicking off the nation’s first major gold rush. Guess where these North Carolina settlers came from?

Burke County!

Now you know.


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Richard Thornton is a professional architect, city planner, author and museum exhibit designer-builder. He is today considered one of the nation’s leading experts on the Southeastern Indians. However, that was not always the case. While at Georgia Tech Richard was the first winner of the Barrett Fellowship, which enabled him to study Mesoamerican architecture and culture in Mexico under the auspices of the Institutio Nacional de Antropoligia e Historia. Dr. Roman Piňa-Chan, the famous archaeologist and director of the Museo Nacional de Antropologia, was his fellowship coordinator. For decades afterward, he lectured at universities and professional societies around the Southeast on Mesoamerican architecture, while knowing very little about his own Creek heritage. Then he was hired to carry out projects for the Muscogee-Creek Nation in Oklahoma. The rest is history. Richard is the Tribal Historic Preservation Officer for the KVWETV (Coweta) Creek Tribe and a member of the Perdido Bay Creek Tribe. In 2009 he was the architect for Oklahoma’s Trail of Tears Memorial at Council Oak Park in Tulsa. He is the president of the Apalache Foundation, which is sponsoring research into the advanced indigenous societies of the Lower Southeast.



    Richard, Someone in Spain? wanted Capt. Pardo (1567) with some 100 men to march all the way to Mexico from South Carolina? The Apalachi kingdom did not like the Spanish… so perhaps Capt. Pardo was trying to save his men from certain death by not marching them though Georgia and tried to find the route going west though the mountains of Tennessee. Joara (Wara) location noted by high mountains and a mountain pass perhaps (Highway 178)? SW of Pumpkin town, SC looks like a valley by the Twelve mile creek and a possible location of nice land to grow corn and the direction he wanted to go. It looks large enough for a Native town there with a river. If he could locate a path to the Tennessee river, that would have been identified by De Soto (1540) already, he could have stated that was a way to get to Mexico and also to bring the Aztecs Gold up the Mississippi then down the Tennessee river, then “pack mule” it over to the Savanna river or the Santee. The Kusa people seems to have controlled some of the mountain route and were going to attack as they were mistreated by De Soto in 1540.

    • That’s true. He did go around the Apalache Kingdom, but there was no reason for him to go 260 miles due north. However, I strongly suspect that Otari, a destination on his second expedition was to the north. Otari was the name of the capital of the Rickohockens in SW Virginia.


    Otari in on Spanish maps in North Carolina., and is a Catawban city, as was Joara/Xualla. Pardo used Joara and DeSoto used Xualla. Look at Tejas and Texas — or Mexico and Mejico. There are 2 ways to spell both Mexico and Texas in Spanish. The “X” and “j” sounds in Spanish is NOT equivalent to “w”. I am sorry to have to bring this up. It is between an “s” and an “h” sound. To get the “w” sound in Spanish you don’t use the “j” — you use the letters “gua” . The town De Soto called “Guateri was called by the English “Wateree”. These are people who speak the eastern Siouan languages related to Catawba and are not Creek or Cherokee. Many think the Catawba lived in the area before either the Creek or the Catawba. Truth is though, nobody knows who came first or last. Even in historic times they were recorded as visiting mounds in Virginia — Thomas Jefferson recorded it rfom his home in Montecello.”Xualla” is a hundred miles (approx, give or take) east “Qualla” . When the people of Joara/Xualla moved to live on the Dan River the English in Virginia knew of them as “Sara” or “Suara”. Just after 1700 they moced down the Pedee River in South Carolina, te South Carolinian settlers called them Cheraw/Charrow. There were times when they moved to Catawba, then back to the Pedee River, just as the Saponi did who moved back and forth from the Va/NC border to Catawba/Salisbury region. I am sorry to have to bring this up. You used the term “Wannabe”. I don’t think you realized I was born in Okmulgee, Oklahoma. You said Oklahoma Indians knew the culture and language but in the East you remembered the history. But it is the traditional people who hold the culture dear that remember the history. I hope you will let me post this. If not oh well — I tried. Good luck with your research.

    • Xuale is a particularly bad case of the Southeastern anthropology profs being really, really dumb. The Xuale or Xuala were the largest tribe in West Virginia and arch-enemies of the Cherokees. The Xuale were Shawnee mound builders. Xua in Medieval Castillian is pronounced roughly zhuah

      Joa is pronounced Wa as in Joaquin. Se habla Espanol. There were 15 languages in the Iberian Peninsula in 1540. None of the languages had a letter W or K. So each language represented the W sound in a different way. Oaxaca is pronounced Wa-ha-ka. The Gua sound is a more guttural sounding W.

      Otari was the capital town of the Rickohockens. The Rickohockens were not Catawba. In fact the Siouan speaking Catawbas were not Catawbas. They called themselves Issa. Catawba is the Anglicization of the Creek word Katvpa. The main area of the Katvpa was between Atlanta and Gainesville, GA. Apparently, they were also the Muskogean elite of a group of Siouan villages in Upstate South Carolina


    I visited the site in Morganton yesterday (8/5/17) for the 450th festival and saw nothing remotely related to the Eastern Siouans. My first thought was the adobe huts of the Aztecs who gave us the word that eventually became shack, the 17th century pronunciation of the Catawba word now pronounced sug. Shack, which is wrongly described as an English word meaning hovel, means basket, and settlers into the Catawba area around the current Catawba Reservation reported walking up “burial mounds” to have them collapse beneath their feet, an obvious reference to the basket-shaped, bulrush, and bark-covered houses found throughout Catawba, Tutelo, Monacan territory Siouan-speaking territory. I agree the stash of Spanish weapons could have been nothing more than booty taken on a raid and I, too, was shocked by the location of the site, nowhere near what or where Juan Pardo described it and not far enough up the Catawba to be that Nation’s first location, given in one of their oldest tales, where a doe and fawn could jump across the river. It is also impossible, having driven over two hours at 70 miles per hour through the mountains northward that a soldier and his Catawba wife could have walked to Saltville, Virginia from there which is where they ended up upon the collapse of the Spanish fort. There has always been a commercial and political aspect to archaeology but I believe the interpretation of this site is blatantly false.

    • Everything you say makes sense.

      You know the Siouan peoples there, called themselves Issa. Actually, the Katvpa were a Muskogean tribe with an Itza Maya name, based between Atlanta and Gainesville, GA. They evidently established an elite over the Siouans in South Carolina. This was very typical in the Lower Southeast for more advanced peoples to establish themselves as elite over less advanced tribes. Look at maps throughout the early 1700s to the American Revolution. You will see the word “Kataapa” roughly north of Atlanta’s location. The Itza Maya word Kataapa or Katvpa in Creek means “Place of the Crown.” Those Katapa continued to be in the Creek Confederacy and ended up on the Lower Chattahoochee River.


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